YoungSan Theological Institute of Hansei University

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Journal of Youngsan Theology - Vol. 49

[ Article ]
Journal of Youngsan Theology - Vol. 49, No. 0, pp.185-211
ISSN: 1738-1509 (Print)
Print publication date 30 Sep 2019
Received 30 Jun 2019 Revised 07 Aug 2019 Accepted 14 Aug 2019
DOI: https://doi.org/10.18804/jyt.2019.09.49.185

Re-understanding the Three Common Opinions of Shamanism: In Light of Studies on Korean Religions
Hoon Ko
Fuller Theological Seminary, Intercultural Studies (hoonko1@fuller.edu)

샤머니즘에 대한 세 가지 공통된 의견들의 재이해: 한국 종교학의 관점으로부터
고훈

Abstract

There are two backgrounds to this paper: 1) the three common opinions of shamanism (shamanism as individualistic/materialistic/its effect on Korean Christianity) and 2) the continued reproduction of opinions on shamanism by Young-Hoon Lee, Sang-Yun Lee, and Allan H. Anderson in debates of the root of Youngsan theology, which is linked to the identity of Korean Pentecostalism. The main purpose of this paper is to re-understand three common opinions of shamanism according to the findings of religious studies on Korean religions and to challenge the continuous reproduction of the three common opinions of shamanism by Young-Hoon Lee, Sang-Yun Lee, and Allan H. Anderson in debates surrounding the root of Youngsan theology by exploring the findings of re-understanding these three opinions. Finally, this paper proposes that the three common ideas of shamanism, in not only the 1907 Pyongyang Revival but also in debates of the root of Youngsan theology, should be reconsidered in order to develop the identity of Korean Christianity and Korean Pentecostalism. There are three reasons for this. First, shamanism is not an individualistic religion but rather a holistic religion. Second, seeking blessings is a practice that can be found within Korean Buddhism and Korean Taoism. Third, it is irresponsible and unfair for us to blame only shamanism for the materialism and conservatism of Korean Christianity and Korean Pentecostalism.

초록

본고의 배경에는 두 가지가 있는데, 첫째는 샤머니즘에 대한 세 가지 공통된 의견들이고 (샤머니즘은 1) 개인주의적이고 2) 물질 중심적 종교일 뿐 아니라 3) 그것으로 인하여 한국 기독교가 개인주의적이고 물질적인 면을 갖게 되었다), 둘째는 영산 신학의 뿌리에 관련된 논쟁들 안에서 이영훈, 이상윤, 그리고 알렌 앤더슨에 의해서 그러한 세 가지 공통된 의견들이 계속해서 재생산된다는 것이다. 그러므로 본고에는 두 가지 목적이 있다. 첫째, 한국 종교들에 대한 종교학적 연구로부터 우선적으로 샤머니즘에 대한 세 가지 공통된 의견들에 대하여 재이해를 시도하기 위함이다. 둘째, 그러한 재이해를 통해 얻은 결과들로 이영훈, 이상윤, 그리고 알렌 앤더슨에 의해서 재생산된 샤머니즘에 대한 공통된 세 가지 의견에 대하여 이의를 제기한다. 끝으로 본고는 샤머니즘에 대한 공통된 세 가지 의견은 세 가지 이유들 때문에 다시 고려되어야 한다고 주장한다. 첫째, 샤머니즘은 한국에서 개인주의적 종교가 아니며, 오히려 통합적인 종교이다. 둘째, 축복을 추구하는 것은 한국 불교와 한국 도교에서도 발견되는 사실이다. 셋째, 한국 기독교와 한국 오순절운동의 물질주의와 개인주의 특징에 대해 샤머니즘의 탓으로 돌리는 것은 무책임하고 공평하지 않다.


Keywords: The 1907 Pyongyang Revival, Shamanism, Reproduction, Korean Religions, Korean Christianity, Korean Pentecostalism
키워드: 1907년 평양부흥, 샤머니즘, 재생산, 한국 종교들, 한국 기독교, 한국 오순절운동

Ⅰ. Introduction

Scholars regard the 1907 Pyongyang Revival (hereafter PR)1) as the indigenization event of Christianity in Korea’s religious cultures. Some scholars have shown an interest in the encounter between Christianity and Korean religions in the PR. Their current research can be divided into three arguments. The first argument is that the PR was mostly linked with Confucianism in Korea. The work is shown by Dong-Sik Ryu’s book The Mineral Veins of Korean Theology.2) The second argument is that the PR was mostly associated with Taoism in Korea. This argument is raised by Sung-Deuk Oak’s article “The Taoist Impact on Pyongyang Revival Movement and Gil Sun-Ju’s Spirituality.”3) The third argument is that the PR was mostly related to shamanism in Korea. Specifically, this third assertion can be categorized into three groups.

The first group argues that in a negative sense, shamanism affected the formation of emotional, conservative, individualistic, and other-worldly characteristics of Korean Christianity in the PR. The works are shown by three scholars. Boo-Woong Yoo, Walter J. Hollenweger, and David Kwang-Sun Suh. In his book Korean Pentecostalism: Its History and Theology, Yoo argues that the revival meetings of the PR made the type of Korean Protestantism emotional, conservative, individualistic, and other-worldly, and that its root was related to shamanism.4) Hollenweger’s book Pentecostalism: Origins and Developments Worldwide and Suh’s book The Korean Minjung in Christ made claims similar to Yoo’s assertion.5)

The second group argues that because of the positive effect of shamanism, Koreans were able to accept the Gospel easily during the PR. The works were shown by Jae-Bum Lee, Chong-Hee Jeong, and Ig-Jin Kim. In his doctoral dissertation “Pentecostal Type Distinctive and Korean Protestant Church Growth,” Lee emphasizes that shamanism, a form of Animism, made it easy for Koreans to accept the Gospel.6) In the chapter of his book Asian and Pentecostal: the Charismatic Face of Christianity in Asia, Jeong asserts that as the primal spirituality in Korea, shamanism contributed to the unraveling of the han of Korean people in a positive sense.7) Moreover, in his doctoral dissertation “History and Theology of Korean Pentecostalism: Sunbogeum (Pure Gospel) Pentecostalism,” Kim emphasizes the influence of both the traditional Hananim (God) faith and shamanism on the formation of Korean Christianity.8)

The third group argues that like the second group, shamanism made it easy for Koreans to accept the God of the Bible and the spiritual realm. The group also asserts this and, like the first group, argues that it caused Korean Christianity of the PR to be conservative, individualistic, and seeking of material blessings. Young-Hoon Lee dealt with this assertion in his doctoral dissertation “The Holy Spirit Movement in Korea: Its Historical and Doctrinal Development.”9)

The aforementioned two groups except for the second group share three common opinions of shamanism. First, shamanism is an individualistic religion in Korea. Second, shamanism is a materialistic religion in Korea. Third, shamanism has influenced individualistic and materialistic Korean Christianity.

Moreover, the two groups regard shamanism as the ‘primal’ or ‘primitive’ religion in Korea or the religion for ‘lower’ or ‘ignorant’ classes of people. For example, the representative scholar of the first argument, Boo-Woong Yoo, describes shamanism as having originated from pre-literate societies, emphasizing it as a religion for lower classes of people.10) As a scholar of the third argument, Young-Hoon Lee regards it as a primitive religion.11) However, both groups’ understandings of shamanism have some problems.

The first problem is that the understanding of shamanism as the primitive or primal religion in Korea is linked with the Western evolutionary understanding of shamanism. The understanding of shamanism as the ‘primitive or primal religion’ originated from Western scholars of religions such as Auguste Comte (1798-1857), Herbert Spenser (1820-1903), E. B. Taylor (1832-1917), James Frazer (1854-1941), and Walter Baldwin Spencer (1860-1929).12) They argue that the origin of religion was animism or shamanism, the primitive religion. They also assert that religions evolved into polytheism, henotheism, and lastly monotheism in view of the theory of evolution, regarding Animism or shamanism as the primitive stage.

In the book Critical Reflections on Indigenous Religions, Jens Peter Schjødt deals with some historical difficulties in studying indigenous religions. Schjødt mentions that, in the history of religions, there is a distinction between folk and universal religions.13) The former refers to those of no written records, studied by anthropologists and ethnographers. By contrast, the latter including Islam, Christianity, and Buddhism was associated with those of canonical writing in universal religions, researched by philologists and theologians. He continually mentions that the former has had many labels: ‘primitive religions,’ ‘nature religions,’ ‘animism,’ ‘lower religions,’ ‘illiterate religions,’ and ‘indigenous religions’ and the latter: higher religions and literate religions.14) He concludes that many labels in the former were affected by an evolutionary point of view.15)

The second problem is that the understanding of shamanism as the religion for lower classes of people in Korea is related to both the Korean ruling classes’ and Japan’s understanding of shamanism. In the history of Korean religions, Confucianism suppressed other religions such as Buddhism, Taoism, and shamanism. During the Chosun Dynasty in Korea (1392-1897), in an orthodox and intellectual framework of Confucianism, all religions except for Confucianism were heretical, illogical, and mystical. For the dynasty, Buddhism was regarded as being illogical and mysterious; Taoism as ‘black magic.’ Neo-Confucianism in Korea disparaged Korean shamanism as women’s religion or private/family religion.16) Moreover, during the Japanese occupation (1910-1945), Japan also regarded shamanism as ‘primitive/profane superstition.’17) In his article “Creating the Sacred and the Secular in Colonial Korea,” Don Baker shows the Japan-imposed hierarchy of religions during the Japanese occupation: State Shinto, the imperial family of Japan, Confucianism, Buddhism, Christianity, sect Shinto, shamanism, and Korea’s indigenous new religious movements.18)

Because of the two problems mentioned above, the three common opinions of shamanism mentioned above need to be re-read in light of studies on Korean religions. Moreover, Young-Hoon Lee, Sang-Yun Lee, and Allan H. Anderson have similarly reproduced the three common opinions of shamanism in debates surrounding the root of Youngsan theology.

The main purpose of this paper is to re-understand the three common opinions of shamanism based on the findings of religious studies on Korean religions and to challenge the continuous reproduction of the three common opinions of shamanism held by Young-Hoon Lee, Sang-Yun Lee, and Allan H. Anderson in debates of the root of Youngsan theology through the findings of re-understanding the three common opinions of shamanism. Finally, this paper proposes that the three common ideas of shamanism found not only in the PR but also in debates surrounding the root of Youngsan theology should be reconsidered in order to develop the identity of Korean Christianity and Korean Pentecostalism. There are three reasons for this: First, shamanism is not an individualistic religion but is, in fact, a holistic religion. Second, seeking blessings can be found in Korean Buddhism and Taoism. Third, it is irresponsible and unfair for us to blame only shamanism for the materialism and conservatism of Korean Christianity and Korean Pentecostalism.


Ⅱ. Re-understanding Three Common Opinions of Shamanism: From the Findings of Studies on Korean Religions

As mentioned above, some scholars (Boo-Woong Yoo, Walter J. Hollenweger, David Kwang-Sun Suh, and Young-Hoon Lee) share the three common opinions of shamanism in debates around the PR. First, shamanism is an individualistic religion in Korea. Second, shamanism is a materialistic religion in Korea. Third, shamanism has influenced individualistic and materialistic Korean Christianity. This section tries to re-understand the three opinions of shamanism according to the findings of studies on Korean religions.

1. Shamanism Is an Individualistic Religion in Korea

The first common opinion in debates surrounding the PR is that shamanism is an individualistic religion in Korea. For example, Yoo regards shamanism as a self-centered and otherworldly religion.19) Although Suh does not directly mention that shamanism is an individualistic religion in Korea, he argues that shamanism affected the formation of emotional, conservative, individualistic, and otherworldly Korean Christianity.20) Hollenweger describes shamanism as a religion, which is less concerned about changes in society.21) In a similar vein, Lee argues that shamanism is not very interested in social matters because its primary goal is the happiness of individuals.22)

According to the findings from religious studies on Korean religions, however, the first common opinion can be re-understood in that shamanism historically performed a social, political, and economic role in the history of Korea.

First, shamanism historically performed a social role in Korean society. The works are shown by Hee-An Choi, Hyae-Weol Choi, and Boudewijn Warlaven. In her book Korean Women And God: Experiencing God in a Multi-Religious Colonial Context, Hee-An Choi explores patriarchal ideology and its oppression of women in Korean religions such as shamanism, Buddhism, Confucianism, and Christianity. She demon strates how Western patriarchal Christianity regarded Korean religions as demonic and superstitious. Choi emphasizes that one of the unique elements in Korean shamanism is the representation of the voices of oppressed people through shamanistic rituals, which comforts women and helps release their oppressed feeling (han in Korean). As a result, Choi concludes that shamanism is strongly linked with comforting and releasing women’s oppressed feelings in Korean society.23)

In her book Gender and Mission Encounters in Korea, Hyae-Weol Choi challenges the dominant argument that Western Protestant women missionaries to Korea were the role models of the new Korean women. Emphasizing mutual transformation between the missionaries and Korean women, Choi argues that during the Yi dynasty, although women were in the private or domestic areas of family and community, they continually affected the public area through their wisdom, goodness, and morality.24)

In his article “The Social Significance of Sorcery and Sorcery Accusation in Korea,” Warlaven argues that sorcery of Korean shamanism during the periods of medieval and modern Korea (887-1910) performed a social role of accusing those who committed a crime.25)

Second, shamanism historically performed a political role in Korean society. In her book Korean Shamanism and Cultural Nationalism, Hyun-Key Kim Hogarth focuses on the question of why shamanism has not only survived but is also enjoying a revival in modern Korea. In response to that question, she answers that the revival of Korean shamanism is related to the wider social, political and religious consequences of the worldview of shamanism. In chapter six, she explores how shamanism perpetuates national identity, or nationalism, through the Dangun Myth, the famous and ancient myth about the origin of Korea, which includes many elements of shamanism. As a result, by carrying traditional Korean culture with it, shamanism contributed to the formation of Korea’s socio-political nationalism.26)

Third, shamanism historically performed an economic role in Korean society. In her book Shamans, Nostalgias, and the IMF, Laurel Kendall deals with the connection between shamanism and capitalism. Kendall explores how Korean shamanism has survived in the history of contemporary Korea. She continually argues that Korean shamanism has been resilient in terms of the acceptance of Western material culture (capitalism). In other words, the nature of Korean shamanism is the ability of shamanistic rituals to adapt to Korea’s changing context.27)

2. Shamanism Is a Material-Centered Religion in Korea

The second common opinion in debates surrounding the PR is that shamanism is a material-centered religion in Korea. Citing Dong-Sik Ryu’s book Korean Church and Holy Spirit: A Study on the Pentecostal Movement in Korea, Yoo argues that early Korean Protestantism’s seeking material/spiritual blessings in the PR was linked with shamanism.28) In a similar vein, Suh insists that to Korean Christians, Christianity is a religion to seek material/spiritual blessings, which is connected with shamanism in Korea.29) Lee asserts that shamanism emphasizes material blessings.30) Amplifying the meaning of material blessings further, Hollenweger describes shamanism as a religion of the healing of the sick.31)

According to the findings from religious studies on Korean religions, however, the second common opinion can be re-understood in light of the history of Korean religions. Other Korean religions such as Buddhism and Taoism were also blessing-centered religions.

First, Korean Buddhism interpreted Buddhism as a means to overcome personal misfortunes such as illness and social disasters including famine and flood. For example, During the Three Kingdoms Period (Koguryo, Paekche and Silla), Korean Buddhism was recognized as the religion of ruling class for its health, longevity, and solidity in terms of political authority.32)

Furthermore, in Buddhism, there are four Buddhas of seeking blessings. The first Buddha is called Amitabha Buddha, who promises that he will allow anyone who believes in him to be reborn in paradise. The second Buddha is called Yaksa yŏraebul (healing Buddha), who promises to heal all those who believe in him. The third Buddha is called Milŭk (Maitreya), who promises health, wealth, and longevity. The last Buddha is called Kwanŭm (bodhisattva Avalokitesvara), who can solve any problem a human being might face.33) Korean Buddhists sought various blessings through these four Buddhas.

Second, in Korea, Taoism was also a material-centered religion. Korean Taoism regarded as a state religion during the Three Kingdoms Period until Koryo united them. Korean Taoism offered Koreans the power to defend their nation, the blessings of national long life, national prosperity, and national well-being. Korean Taoism had the notion of the Taoist immortal and imported calendars, books of divination, medicine, and astronomy. During the Silla Kingdom, the government established the institution of Hwalang (flower-knight) and held the festival of Palgwanhoe (the Assembly of the Eight Commandments). Both were associated with the worship of many spirits in order to seek longevity, prosperity, having, driving away evil spirits, and good fortune for the nation. In their temples, Korean Taoists worshiped many gods including the Big Dipper and the multiple divinities, and performed the Taoist purification ceremony in order to pray for the protection of the nation.

3. Shamanism has influenced individualistic and materialistic Korean Christianity

The third common opinion in debates surrounding the PR is that shamanism has influenced individualistic and materialistic Korean Christianity. Yoo and Suh argue that individualistic/materialistic Korean Christianity in the PR put down its roots in shamanism.34) In a similar vein, Lee claims that shamanism led Korean Christians to seek blessings and the happiness of individuals.35) Moreover, Hollenweger asserts that shamanism characterized the healing of the sick caused Korean Christianity to be fundamentalic and not to pay too much attention to social changes.36)

According to the findings from studies on Korean religions, however, the third common opinion can be reunderstood to mean that we cannot solely blame shamanism for the materialism and conservatism of Korean Christianity, because shamanism was integrated into other Korean religions. Shamanism permeated all Korean religions such as Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism and the new indigenous religion, Donghak. Shamanism played a role in the melting pot history of Korean religions.37) For example, in her book Korean Women and God, Hee-An Choi suggests evidence for the strong connection between shamanism and Buddhism in Korea. She argues that in Korean Buddhism, shamanistic elements can be found as follows: the divine images, the Buddhist monasteries resembling shamanistic shrines, its interaction with the indigenous mountain and ursine spirits and so on.38) In the article “Korean Buddhist Adoption of shamanic Religious Ethos,” Sung-Eun Kim argues that Korean Buddhism appropriated shamanic religious ethos―healing, fortune-seeking, and the Afterlife―in order to address and appease those who came to temples with urgent matters.39) In addition, Korean Confucianism has an important shamanistic factor of many spirits. Confucianism had three types of worship: the official worship of the sages, household worship including ancestor worship, and personal worship. In personal worship, Koreans served many spirits. Moreover, Korean Taoism also was shamanistic Taoism. So Korean Taoism had magical elements, the concept of many spirits, controlling deities, seeking the blessing, avoiding evils, and the curing of disease.40) Furthermore, Donghak (Eastern Learning) was known as the first organized indigenous religion in Korea in 1860. Donghak was a synthesis of Taoism, Buddhism, and Catholicism, based on shamanism.41)


Ⅲ. Challenging the Continuous Reproduction of the Three Common Opinions of Shamanism through Debates about the Root of Youngsan Theology

In the previous section, I have obtained three findings of the rereading. First, shamanism historically performed a social, political, and economic role in Korea. Second, in the history of Korean religions, Buddhism and Taoism were also blessing-centered religions. Third, we cannot solely blame shamanism for the materialism and conservatism of Korean Christianity because shamanism was integrated among other Korean religions. This section tries to challenge the continuous reproduction of the three common opinions of shamanism through debates about the root of Youngsan theology with the findings of the rereading. Finally, in this section, I propose that the three common ideas of shamanism in not only the PR but also in the debates about the root of Youngsan theology should be reconsidered in order to develop the identity of Korean Christianity and Korean Pentecostalism.

In his article “The Root of Youngsan Theology,” Dong-Soo Kim summarizes the debates about the root of Youngsan theology.42) According to Kim, the debates can be divided into five arguments. The first argument is that Youngsan theology’s root is in Korean shamanism. Boo-Woong Yoo, Walter J. Hollenweger, and Harvey Cox raise this argument. The second idea is that it has no root. This idea is argued by Moon-Hong Choi, Phan-Ho Kim, and Hyun-Sung Bae. The third assertion is that its root is in American Pentecostalism. Scholars related to this argument are William W. Menzies and Donald W. Dayton. The fourth argument is that its root is complex. Scholars related to this argument are Seung-An Lim and Kee-Sung Lee. As Kim’s own argument, the fifth claim is that its root is Pentecostalism. I would like to add an argument to the debates. Recently in his book A Theology of Hope: Contextual Perspectives in Korean Pentecostalism,43) Sang-Yun Lee argues that its root of the Threefold Blessing is a contextual hope.44) Like Lee, his academic mentor, Allan H. Anderson argues in his article “The Holy Spirit in the Teaching of Yonggi Cho: Continuity or Change,” that Youngsan’s theology of the Spirit is contextual and is related to his social and cultural situations.45)

As mentioned above, many scholars have attempted to find the root of Youngsan theology. Their studies provide us with insight into the origin of Youngsan theology and show that it can be understood in various ways. However, the three common opinions of shamanism similarly have been reproduced in debates around the root of Youngsan theology by Young-Hoon Lee, Sang-Yun Lee, and Allan H. Anderson.

In his Ph.D. dissertation “The Holy Spirit Movement in Korea,” Lee attempts to dispel some misunderstandings of Youngsan theology linked with shamanism: Yonggi Cho’s heretical healing ministry and his prosperity theology of material blessing.46) For such charges, Lee argues that Cho was wary of getting involved in shamanism and he emphasized that healing ministry in churches should be biblical. Lee continually claims that Cho attempted to overcome the weakness of social issues in his theology by participating in various social activities. Lee concludes that overcoming negative influence of shamanism on Youngsan theology is a significant task.47) According to Lee, shamanism’s negative influences are related to focusing on personal matters and to seeking blessings.48) However, Lee’s understandings of shamanism tend to reproduce or share the three opinions mentioned in Section Two. Moreover, Sang-Yun Lee’s and Anderson’s recent researches share that. In his book A Theology of Hope: Contextual Perspectives in Korean Pentecostalism, Lee tries to understand Youngsan theology in a balanced way of socio-political and cultural (or religious) circumstances. In Chapter 12, Lee re-examines the relationship between Youngsan theology and shamanism. He challenges the idea of regarding the influence of shamanism on Youngsan theology as a pagan heritage which should be removed from Korean Pentecostalism. Rather, he argues that we should understand shamanism as the praxis of Korean religiosity formed through generations.49) However, like Young-Hoon Lee, his understandings of shamanism have been reproducing the three opinions of shamanism. Following Young-Hoon Lee’s argument uncritically,50) Lee regards shamanism as a self-centered and material-centered religion.51) He argues that Youngsan theology being criticized as shamanistic materialism should be broadened to include the wider society.

In his article “The Holy Spirit in the Teaching of Yonggi Cho,” Anderson reproduces that there has been an amount of argument of shamanism, following Young-Hoon Lee’s ideas of shamanism uncritically. He also argues that shamanism’s emphasis on material blessings and personal concerns affected a self-centered or an exclusive/conservative Korean Pentecostalism. In short, Young-Hoon Lee, Sang-Yun Lee, and Allan H. Anderson have reproduced the three common opinions of shamanism. However, according to my findings of Korean religions, their understandings of shamanism need to be re-examined because shamanism is not an individualistic religion but a holistic religion in light of studies on Korean religions. Moreover, seeking blessings can be found in other Korean religions such as Korean Buddhism and Taoism. It is irresponsible and unfair for us to blame only shamanism for the materialism and conservatism of Korean Christianity/Pentecostalism because shamanism was integrated into other Korean religions.


Ⅳ. Conclusion

So far, Section Two tried to re-understand three common opinions of shamanism based on the findings of religious studies on Korean religions. Section Three attempted to challenge the continuous reproduction of the three common opinions regarding shamanism by Young-Hoon Lee, Sang-Yun Lee, and Allan H. Anderson, in their debates around the root of Youngsan theology, through the findings of re-understanding the three opinions of shamanism. I have obtained three findings of the reading. First, shamanism historically performed a social, political, and economic role in the history of Korea. Second, in the history of Korean religions, Buddhism and Taoism was also blessing-centered religions in Korea. Third, we cannot solely blame shamanism for the materialism and conservatism of Korean Christianity, because shamanism was integrated along with other Korean religions. Section Three attempted to challenge the continuous reproduction of the three common opinions of shamanism by Young-Hoon Lee, Sang-Yun Lee, and Allan H. Anderson through the findings of re-understanding the three common opinions of shamanism. Finally, I proposed that the three common ideas of shamanism in not only the PR but also debates of the root of Youngsan theology need to be reconsidered. There are three reasons for this. First, shamanism is not an individualistic religion but a holistic religion. Second, seeking blessings can be found in Korean Buddhism and Taoism. Third, it is irresponsible and unfair for us to solely blame shamanism for the materialism and conservatism of Korean Christianity/Pentecostalism.

This paper will make a contribution to developing the identity of Korean Christianity and Korean Pentecostalism because the PR and Yonggi Cho’s Holy Spirit movement is strongly linked with the nature of Korean Christianity, specifically Korean Pentecostalism.52) As mentioned in Introduction, the nature of Korean Christianity in relation to Korean religions has been evaluated mostly by a Western viewpoint. In contrast, a Korean religious viewpoint has been disregarded by that. Furthermore, the continuous and uncritical reproduction of the three opinions of shamanism can not help to develop the identity of Korean Christianity and Korean Pentecostalism. Therefore, the three ideas of shamanism need to be re-understood in light of studies on Korean religions.

Finally, I would like to provide following suggestions for the further studies. First, the influence of shamanism on the PR or Youngsan theology has been researched widely. However, the study of the PR/Youngsan theology and shamanism has yet to be developed more extensively in light of studies on Korean religions. Therefore, to develop the identity of Korean Christianity and Korean Pentecostalism, this paper tried to re-understand the three opinions of shamanism by mostly using the findings of religious studies. As a result, this paper can be viewed as an argument for shamanism. However, the intention of this paper is to challenge the three opinions of shamanism in debates around the PR/Youngsan theology and to develop the debates rather than to support the connection between the PR/Youngsan theology and shamanism. Nevertheless, this paper needs to be examined in light of theological or biblical studies in the future studies.

In addition, religious syncretism is a universal phenomenon in East Asian countries such as China, Japan, and Korea.53) So, some scholars agree with the opinion that the nature of shamanism is syncretic or Buddhism/Confucianism were syncretized with shamanism.54) However, according to recent studies,55) not only syncretism but also anti-syncretism is an important feature in Korean religions. This paper emphasized the syncretic nature of shamanism and overlooked the anti-syncretic nature of that. Therefore, the connection between the PR/Cho’s Holy Spirit movement and Korean religions need to be explored in light of a more integrated view of Korean religions.


Notes
1) For primary sources of the PR, missionary sources exit and Korean sources are very scant. So, It is not easy for researchers to demonstrate whether the PR was great or not. Therefore, I prefer to use the term the Pyongyang Revival rather than the term The Great Pyongyang Revival. In this paper, I will use the term the Pyongyang Revival.
10) Yoo, Korean Pentecostalism, 10-12.
11) Lee, “The Holy Spirit Movement in Korea,” 15-21.
14) Ibid.
15) Ibid., 35-48.
19) Yoo, Korean Pentecostalism, 10-12.
20) Suh, The Korean Minjung in Christ, 22.
21) Hollenweger, Pentecostalism, 101.
22) Lee, “The Holy Spirit Movement in Korea,” 20.
28) Yoo, Korean Pentecostalism, 104.
29) Suh, The Korean Minjung in Christ, 22.
30) Lee, “The Holy Spirit Movement in Korea,” 19-21.
31) Hollenweger, Pentecostalism, 101.
34) Yoo, Korean Pentecostalism, 104; Suh, The Korean Minjung in Christ, 22.
35) Lee, “The Holy Spirit Movement in Korea,” 19-21.
36) Hollenweger, Pentecostalism, 101.
38) Choi, Korean Women and God, 23-24.
43) The book is the publication of the author’s Ph.D. dissertation done under the supervision of Allan H. Anderson and submitted to the University of Birmingham in 2014. See Sang-Yun Lee, “Contextual hope in Korean Pentecostalism’s Threefold Blessing,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Birmingham, 2014).
46) Lee, “The Holy Spirit Movement in Korea,” 215.
47) Ibid., 212.
48) Ibid., 19-21.
49) Lee, A Theology of Hope, 99.
50) Lee, “The Holy Spirit Movement in Korea,” 19-21.
51) Lee, A Theology of Hope, 95-102; Anderson, “The Holy Spirit in the Teaching of Yonggi Cho,” 7, 19.
54) Kim, “History and theology of Korean Pentecostalism,” 29-30; Lee, “The Holy Spirit Movement in Korea,” 15-21.

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